



liiiiHil^B ^mmm^^^^^k t j. ^ 


F375 




.C18 




























- ? 






,0 ^ 






^^^ 





















"o '^^ A^ »V' t<. %<■ 




A <">. 'o,.* A^ 






^^ 



o 






.-Jv ^i '..,.. A -^ r,^^ .A.s>. .^ °:> j-^ . .,^^A -f G - 

,0 ' \ ■•: / A^ -.^^ „, ^ % ■-5^;- / A, --^ 



=? ' . 






G' 






s* A ^ 'o.A* G^ \d *AXs^ a 




. s * * 



<K A „ ^ aV- 



V^ 



.^ 



G^ ^^^ 



'"^vi* A,.°' ^0 ^^ 'a7o^ 
















' ,G^ ^3 *-.. A A 






^^S 



.-^ 



^1 









c°\ 






> 



'<>, 



\r 






^' 



^J> * « o ' V °/, "' ^ ^° ^ * =". ° ' A-> 

' ■ • - '^ \> . ' • -. c\ ,0' ^ • ■ ■ "> V 

y 






, / '■>' ■ "° v., c> ' ■■--■ ■•■- . - ' 

'O . . " .0 O ' , . 5^ 



'.V-^^ 



•y y 






,^^ 



o 



•^^ 



-^ 



• *^ o 

'■ ^^-^ c> ' V. '^^ y ^^ y^ ■ ■ 












y 



4 o 



o 



"-^ 



V 1" 



^^ 



.y 









* V ■ ■ < ^ A. V* 






^X> b 



o w o . *^^-, , Vy 



..^*- 






y 



^. 



f yy^^% ■ /'.^^-^ ^o 



"^y^^" y 



y 



°r 



y. ""^^ y V ''o.o^ y °^. *''^- ^0 



y . ^ 









<^^ 



THE WHITE LEAGUE CONSPIRACY 

AGAINST FREE UOVERNMENT. 




^^v^'ASH^^^;' / 



We print in full in this morning's Republican the able speech of 
General Hugh J. Campbell, delivered in Union Chapel on Monday 
evening last. This speech is a manly and bold exposition of the 
causes which have led to our present unhappy political position, and 
is substantiated by an irresistible array of facts and figures. As an 
oratorical effort it was one of the best of the General's life, and he 
was listened to by his large audience with undivided attention, and 
was greeted with frequent burst of applause. General Campbell is 
a speaker of gi-eat force, and his efforts are always fortified with a 
strong showing of facts. We have as yet seen no attempt to dis- 
prove any of the grave assertions which he last Monday evening 
made concerning the acts and plans of the revolutionary party in 
this State. We commend this speech of General Campbell's to our 
readers as a valuable addition to current political literature. 

[New Orleans Republican, Jauuarj' 17. 



THE WHITE LEAGUE CONSPIRACY 

AGAINST FREE GOVERNMENT. 



SPEECH OF GENERAL HUGH J. CAMPBELL, 

On Monday Eoening, January 11, 1875, before a Republican Mass 
Meeting, held in Bethel Chapel, for the purpose of giving 
the sense of the Republicans of Louisiana as to the 
correctness of the facts stated in Gen- 
eral Sheridan's dispatches. 



Mr. Pbesident and Fellow Citizebjs — I thank yon for the honor 
yon have conferred upon me in asking me to address you at this 
time. I appear before you with the most solemn impression that 
we are now standing at the critical point in the fortunes of Repub- 
licanism in the Southern States. The destinies of the Republican 
party, and with them those of fhe colored people, and with them 
those of the white people of this State and of the South, who have 
been the supporters of the Republican party, are now in the scale, 
and the scale is literally trembling on its balance. At this very 
hour, while I am speaking to you, the people of this Union, in every 
city, town and village ; and in every capital of the States, and every 
legislative hall; in the capital of the nation itself, and in the halls of 
Congress, are solemnly, and with intense excitement, deliberating 
upon the question whether there is anything in Republicanism at 
the South worthy of preserving it to the nation. They are every- 
where asking the question to-night: If there are ninety thou- 
sand Republican voters in Louisiana, what is the reason that the 
election of 1812 has so long been in doubt? "What is the reason 
that, ou the fourteenth of September last, three thousand men, with 
arms in their hands, in thirty minutes, overthrew your State govern- 
ment and all its forces, and drove your State officials into the Cus- 
tomhouse for protection ? What is the reason that at the recent 
election it is now claimed by the Democrats that they carried it, and 



carried it by virtue of negro votes, and that thousands of colored 
men are said by them to have voted the White League ticket?" It is 
just at this critical juncture that one man, independent in position 
and character, with the intuition of genius aud the force of a 
strong and well balanced mind, has gone right straight to 
the heart of the question and answered it — "Banditti." [Loud 
applause and long cheers.] That word contains the whole answer; 
it sums up the volume of eight years of bloodshed, anarchy, 
massacre and murder. In giving the wings of language to that 
term, in hurling it like a thunderbolt at the heads of the guilty, 
coming from his lips as it did, clothed with all the authority and 
majesty of the solemn oflBcial declaration of the second military offi- 
cer in rank in the nation; of one of the historical military heroes of 
our national history; of one of the eight or ten names which 
stand at the topmost line on the scroll of the world's greatest mili- 
tary names. General Philip H. Sheridan, has uttered the most fear- 
ful indictment against a part of the people of this State which has 
ever been found against any civilized community. Not only through 
every town and village, not only through every great city, not only 
in Washington and in Congress, but in Paris, London, Amsterdam, 
Rome, Berlin, Vienna, and in every civilized capital of the globe has 
this terrific indictment been read, pondered and judicially weighed. 
[Applause.] It is to the facts of historical record which none can 
dii=ipute and which every one knows, upon which this indictment 
of General Sheridan is based, that I wish to address myself now. 

NINE MASSACBES IN EIGHT TEARS. 

From 1866 to the present time there have been nine great 
butcheries or massacres for political reasons in the State of Louisi- 
ana. I give you the list. In 1866, 200 persons were killed, and 
1 60 were tftken wounded to the Marine Hospital, and this is not 
counting those dead and wounded whose bodies were carted away 
by the authorities and dumped in some unknown places. At that 
massacre, I have the authority of a surgeon in the United States 
army now on duty in this city for stating that, after these 160 
wounded were taken to the Marine Hospital, the perpetrators of the 
massacre, standing in line on the New canal, fired volleys into the 
hospital itself, the marks of whose bullets were for a long time 
visible on the walls. 



6 

officials of Lincoln parish, two of whom held appointments under 
the United States, and their murder in cold blood. Not a solitary- 
conservative newspaper in this State has denounced this atrocity, 
while several of them have boldly and repeatedly applauded and in- 
dorsed it. Advice of the most sanguinary character and the most 
revolutionary lawlessness was given from week to week in the col- 
umns of the principal newspapers of the State. The Picayune on 
the sixteenth of September advised that any white man found ad- 
dressing colored people as I am addressing you should be "shot 
down like a dog in his tracks." The Bulletin threatened United States 
soldiers and officers with torn uniforms and punched heads should 
they interfere with the White Leaguers in their operations, and quoted 
with approval the resistance to the United States troops in Tennes- 
see. The Shreveport Times advocated over and over the murder of 
every Eepublican official who should be found elected by the return- 
ing officers against the decrees of the White Leaguers, and its chief 
proprietor recently in this city, before the congressional committee 
itself, openly and boldly stated that such had been his advice and 
would continue to be his advice, and that he thought the murders 
would be committed. Threats of assassination of the Governor, of 
the returning officers and of the various leaders of the Republican 
party were made openly thoughoufc the summei', in the newspapers 
and on the streets, in the hotels and in all places of public resort. 
Finally the White League conspiracy culminated in the bloody insur- 
rection of September 14, which for a moment overpowered the State 
government, and which, next to the Coushatta massacre, had the 
most powerful influence throughout the whole State in intimidating 
and deterring negroes from voting. [Applause.] 

TESTIMONY OF THE COLORED PEOPLE. 

There are in this meeting prominent colored citizens, members of 
the Legislature, and others from all portions of the State. There are 
also prominent colored gentlemen of the highest social and moral 
standing in this community; men educated in Paris and other capi- 
tals of Europe; men who have natural abilities and acquired accom- 
plishments; men of honor and high standing among their fyllow- 
citizens; men who are not excelled by the highest toned gentlemen 
whose names are on the White League rolls. I now appeal to this 



Chamber of Commerce, the Board of Trade and these other indig- 
nant mercantile and theological bodies a question: Gentlemen, did 
you ever call one single meeting to denounce them in public or 
private? Were you afraid? [Terriffic applause.] Did your press 
denounce them, or did it not try to conceal or apologize for them ? 
Were they afraid? And did not a part of your press boldly justify 
them? France had one great massacre — St, Bartholomew — and 
ever since, for hundreds of years, the black cloud of its memory 
has darkened the fame of that nation. And her savants, her 
clergy, her business men, her statesmen have solemnly before the 
world, denounced the horrid crime. England had her massacre 
in the obscure Scotch valley of G-lencoe. One hundred persons 
were murdered. England, up to the day of Macaulay, two hundred 
years afterward, kept repenting for and denouncing the crime be- 
fore the civilized world. Macaulay has crystalized her repentance 
in the tearful and indignant confession and rebuke of his immortal 
history. Louisiana has had nine massacres in eight years, all of 
them as atrocious as St. Bartholomew; most of them bloodier and 
with more victims than Glencoe. Gentlemen, merchants and clergy 
of New Orleans, when did you ever call a meeting to denounce 
these horrid crimes? Are you afraid ? [Loud applause.] 

And yet you denounce Sheridan as being untrue in his statements. 
What is untrue ? That these atrocities were committed ? Tou dare 
not say that! That the men who committed them are 

BANDITTI ? 

You dare not say that! That you have kept silence and refused to 
condemn them in the same manner that you were so swift to con- 
demn Sheridan ? Tou dare not say that. 

THE WHITE LEAGUE CAMPAIGN OF 1874, 

The Democratic' and White League campaign of 1874 was a 
second edition of the White Camelia campaign of 1868. It opened 
by aa organized, systematic plan, commenced simultaneously 
throughout the State, for ejecting by violence from their positions 
the lawfully appointed or elected parish officials, and substituting 
in their places the so-called McEnery officials. The opening act of 
this novel political campaign, was the capture by a mob, of six men, 



4 

publican voters, not one vote was cast for Grant; in Union, out o^ 
872 registered Eepublican voters, one vote was cast for Grant; in 
St. Martin, out of 933 registered Eepublican voters, 25 votes were 
cast for Grant; in St. Helena, out of 569 registered Republican 
voters, 136 votes cast for Grant; in Avoyelles, out of 2188 registered 
Republican voters, 520 votes were cast for Grant; in Catahoula, out 
of 992 registered Republican voters, 150 votes were cast for Grant; 
in Caldwell, out of 586 registered Republican voters, 28 votes were 
cast for Grant; while in those banner Democratic and White League 
parishes of De Soto with 1403 Republican voters; Jackson with 822 
Republican voters; Lafayette, with 897 Republican voters; Ver- 
milion, with 282 Republican voters, and Washington, with 168 Re- 
publican voters, not one solitary Republican vote for Grant was east 
in all those parishss. The net result of the Democratic and White 
Camelia campaign of 1868 was that out of 36,278 Republican votes 
in twenty-two parishes of the State, through the intimidation, fear 
and terrorism resulting from the massacres before enumerated, only 
1118 Republican votes were allowed to be deposited for General 
Grant. 

CAUSE OF THE ELECTION LAW AND RETURNING BOAED. 

Those facts were the origin and the cause of the peculiar election 
laws of this State, sometimes styled by our White League friends 
" infamous." They have, however, no word of similar reprobation 
for the massacres which made their enactment necessary. These 
massacres, in which riots were substituted for elections, are what 
made a Returning Board right and necessary. [Loud cheers.] 

ARE THE INDICiNANT MERCHANTS AND THEOLOGIANS APEAID ? 

These facts have been officially proven before a committee of the 
General Assembly and before two congressional committees. They 
are not denied. They have been notorious for years. Now, when 
General Sheridan characterizes the perpetrators of similar deeds of 
atrocity in 1874 as 

BANDITTI, 

the Chamber of Commerce, the Board of Trade, the Cotton 
Exchange, the City Council, the bodies of merchants and a 
part of the clergy assemble and pass indignant reso- 
lutions, denouncing his statements as untrue. Let me ask the 



The Bossier parish massacre in which over 300 negroes were 
killed and wouuded, the St. Landry massacre, in which 200 were 
killed and wounded; the Orleans massacres, in which sixty-three 
were killed and wounded; the Caddo massacre, in which forty-six 
were killed and wounded; the Jefferson massacre; in which forty- 
seven were killed and wounded; the St. Bernard massacre, in which 
sixty-eight were killed and wounded — all these occurred in the one 
year 1868. 

In 1873 the Colfax massacre, in which 100 were killed and woun- 
ded. In 1874 the Coushatta massacre, in which six white men were 
first captured by a mob and afterward taken out and shot in cold 
blood. Add to these an estimate given by members of the General 
Assembly from the different parishes of over 1000 persons since 1869 
who have been killed for political reasons, and you have the grand 
total, and by no means an accurate or full one, but such as I have 
been able to gather hastily together of 2190. You will observe that 
of these 724 were perpetrated in 1868, in the fall and summer pre- 
ceding the presidential election. To these 724, which belong to the 
particular massacres which I have just enumerated, must be added 
over 300 individual murders, which occurred in that same period, 
making somewhere over 1000 persons killed in 1868, and for pohtical 
reasons. 

THE EFFECT ON THE ELECTION. 

Now mark the result. The day of election in 1868 was as peace- 
able and quiet an election day as ever occurred in this country. 
Yet in the parish of Orleans where there were from 13,000 to 16,000 
registered Republican voters, the total vote cast for General Grant 
was only 270; in the parish of Bienville out of 715 registered Re- 
publican voters, one vote was cast for Grant; in the parish of Bossier 
out of 1895 registered Republican voters, one vote was cast for 
Grant; in Caddo, out of 3134 registered Republican voters, one vote 
was cast for Grant; in Calcasieu, out of 245 Republican voters, nine 
votes were cast for Grant; in Claiborne, out of 1293 Republican 
votes, two votes were cast for Grant. In Morehouse, out of 1330 
registered Republican voters, one vote was cast for Grant; in Sabine 
out oi 227 registered Republican voters, two votes were cast for 
Grant; in St. Bernard, out of 610 registered Republican voters, one 
vote was cast for Grant; in St. Landry, out of 3641 registered Re- 



audience, so constituted, to answer whether I tell the truth or HO 
when I charge and aver that in the last election in this State all the 
colored men who voted the Democratic ticket in this State, volun- 
tarily and through their own preference, and not from fear either of 
violence to their persons or lives or of being deprived of their daily 
bread, could be held in this room upon this platform where I am 
now standing. [Cries of "That is so." Applause.] I charge and 
aver that the same violence and intimidation which in 1868 abso- 
lutely barred through terror from the polls 38,000 Republican voters, 
who desired to vote for Grant, did at this election, in 1874, control 
ninety-nine out of every one hundred colored votes that were cast 
for the Democratic party, and did drive thousands away from the 
polls. [Applause, and cries of that's so.] 

THE WHITE LEAGUE CONSPIKACT. 

I come now to the special function of the White League conspiracy 
in controlling the late election. The White League organization is a 
semi-military, semi-political society. It is also a confederated or- 
ganization, being in sympathy, co-operation and correspondence 
with organizations of a similar character in the other reconstructed 
States of the South. Its objective point in all these States is the 
overthrow of the reconstructed governments as based upon negro 
suffrage. I aver and charge that as the results of the White League 
organization open and repeated threats of resistance to the United 
States arms were made throughout this city and State for weeks 
and months. I aver tiat the assassination of the Governor, of the 
returning officers and of other Republican officials were publicly 
and repeatedly made everywhere. I aver that on the fourteenth of 
September offers of aid of men and munitions were sent to the 
League here from other Southern States. I am told by a corre- 
spondent of one of the Western papers that cannon and munitions 
of war were sent by the League of this city to Vicksburg. I aver 
that at the Baton Rouge Convention, in speeches which were after- 
ward suppressed from the newspapers, both John McEnery and R. 
H. Marr counseled and threatened violence and revolutionary pro- 
ceeding against the State government. Robert Toombs, when in 
his speech last summer he threatened that United States troops on 
their way to New Orleans should be arrested in Georgia, only said 



8 

out openly what all were thinking secretly, and no other one was 
bold and candid enough to assert. 

Finally I aver and charge that the Colfax and Coushatta massa- 
cres, the fourteenth of September revolution and the White League 
conspiracy did for the political campaign of 1874 precisely what the 
six massacres of 1868 and the Knights of the White Camelia did 
for the political campaign of 1868; that is they by organized 
violence, bloodshed, force and intimidation suppressed and drove 
from the polls the Republican majority. [Applause, and cries of 
that's so.] 

THE REVOLUTIONARY ATTEMPT TO SEIZE THE GOVERNMENT ON JANUARY 4. 

On the second of January the White League preparations for 
forcibly revolutionizing the State government were inaugurated by 
the violent and secret kidnapping and abduction af Mr. Cousin, 
member from St. Tammany. I aver and charge that in the then 
state of parties, there being fifty-three Democrats to fifty-three 
Republicans returned elected to the House, the abduction of Mr. 
Cousin was as completely revolutionary as if they had abducted all 
the Republican members. The abduction of one vote, which gave 
to them the control of the House, was as grave an offense and as 
much of a revolution as though the Republican majority had been 
twenty, and they had abducted twenty-one. I further charge that 
this abduction was a part of the conspiracy, on the part of the 
Demacrats and White Leaguers, and the first step in its carrying 
out. I charge that the murder of Fabius McKay Dunn was a crime 
committed by a mistake of the perpetrators who intended in his 
place to have murdered Raford Blunt, a Republican Senator. | Cries 
of " That is so." Applause.] I charge that the sudden appearance 
\on the street in front of the State House doors of a company of 
men, with badges as sergeant-at-arms suddenly displayed upon 
their coats, was another step in the conspiracy. I charge that there 
was, in the immediate vicinity of the State House, a company of 
White Leaguers prepared with scaling ladders for the purpose of 
forcibly entering the State House. The violent seizure by Mr. Wiltz 
of the Speaker's chair was another step in the conspiracy. I charge 
that the Senators known as the McEnry Senators, who claim to 
have been elected in 1872, were all present in the cit}' from their 
different parishes, and meeting with the Democratic and White 



Leag'ue Senators elected at the last election in preparation of a plan 
to revolutionize the State Senate. I charge that on the floor of the 
House of Representatives, during the revolutionary proceedings of 
the fourth, it was openly asserted by White Leaguers that the 
Kellogg government would be completely overthrown that day. I 
charge that when General De Trobriand entered the hall of the 
House there was no legally organized House in session; Mr. Wilt7, 
was not the Speaker of any House. The body there assembled was 
a revolutionary mob — nothing more. [Loud cheers and applause.] 

WHITE PEOPLE EEPUDIATE THEIR PLEDGES. 

Finally, I charge that in the White League Coushatta campaign 
of 1874, in its assassinations arid massacres, in the tone of its press, 
in its war upon negro children in the schools, in their proposition 
for restoring star cars, and in the thoroughly proscriptive, vindic- 
tive and revengeful spirit which they have reawakened in the people 
and heightened to a fury never known before, the white people of 
this State have more completely repudiated every principle they 
professed and every promise they made in 1872 than was ever done 
by any political party in the history of the world before. In 1872 
they had adopted Greele}^ and his platform of peace and concilia- 
tion and the recognition of the legitimate results of reconstruction. 
In their adoption of the Liberal platform they more expressly and 
specifically repledged themselves to these principles. In the 
speeches of all their orators, in the resolutions of all their meetings 
and in the professions of all their newspaper press they again and 
again iterated and reiterated these same principles. There is not a 
single one of these principles that they have not abandoned, re- 
pudiated, condemned and put under the ban of a terrible prescrip- 
tion by their course for the last eighteen months. [Loud applause]. 

The massacre of 1866 led to reconstruction; the massacre of 
1868 led to the election laws, and the enforcement acts of Congress; 
the massacre of Colfax in 1873 sent a chill over the wave of sympa- 
thy, which was rising at the North for us, and in my opinion de- 
feated Mr. Carpenter's bill for a new election; and the massacre of 
Coushatta, and the White League campaign of 1874, with the riot 
of September fourteeenth, ending in the revolutionary attempt to 
overthrow the State government on January fourth, have undone 
2 



10 

all that the Liberal and Conservative men of both parties sought to 
accomplish in 1872, and have brought the State to the brink of war 
and desolation. [Applause]. 

WHY REPUBLICANS SUPPORTED THE FUSION OF 1872. 

My friends, I went with the Fusion party of 1812. I did it 
honestly. I did it without pay. They all can not say that. I did 
it without bargain or promise of reward. They all can not say 
that. I did it at much pecuniary and personal sacrifice. I did it to 
my own political destruction, for I was bitterly assailed by my former 
political friends, and, at the same time politically ostracised, ignored, 
and in every way thrown overboard by the people whom I was trying 
to assist. I did it, clearly and painfully foreseeing all these dis- 
agreeable consequences to myself; but I did it solely and exclusively 
for one reason. It was to avert this very conflict that is now upon 
us. I tried to commit, and did commit, publicly, solemnly, and, as 
I thought, beyond recall, the white people of this State to such an 
acknowledgement of the rights of the colored people, and of repub- 
lican principles, as would iorever prevent them from again drawing a 
color line; from again proscribing people for political opinions; from 
again trying to cany an election by fear and threats, by revolvers 
and knives, by leagues and conspiracies, by murder and massacre. 
I was content to abandon all hopes of political preference for myself, 
could I by this course have attained the end. 

I failed, failed more completely and swiftly than ever did any 
public man who trusted to the public professions of so large a num- 
bei of people. I failed not from any fault oi my position, but from 
the deliberate abandonment by the white people of this State of the 
position taken by them in 18T2, and their going back to the violent 
and bloody tactics of 1868. In this course they were encouraged 
and sustained by the Democracy of the country and by the hopes 
of a Democratic victory in 1816. In the returning sense of the 
country of the true situation here, and in the continued ascendancy 
of Republican principles, rests our only hope for salvation fi'om a 
reign of terror under the second Confederacy, equal in violence to 
that of the first Confederacy of 1860. 

For those sincere and liberal Conservative and Democratic gentle- 
men who acted with me in good faith in 1872, and who have extended 



11 

to nie so mauy acts of courtesy and kindness, I have no words but of 
friendliness, adding the hope that we may yet co-operate for the 
canse of good government in Louisiana. To those able and astute 
leaders and followers of the Democratic party who accepted the aid 
of myself and Republican friends with mental reservations, and who 
afterward repudiated their promises and made themselves merry at 
the expense of our credulity, I beg leave to return my thanks for 
the ingenious and useful lesson that they l)ave taught to Republi- 
cans, and I hope they will pardon me for comforting myself with 
the words of the quaint old Scotch rhyme: 

He digged a pit, 

He digged it deep, 

He digged it for Jiis brother; 

By his great sin 

Himself fell in 

The pit he digged for "tother. 



A 



'^^' "^^ 









^^ O N V 

-J- 



.^ 



-^ ^"*^, -^/^^^^^^ 



& ^ Willi, iiM:=-; 



,V 



O 

o 



^. 



^ 



,V 



3 V 

5 V, 



.0 



V 



r\^\ 



-5^ 



V ••^?a^f,*' <^i--' 










0' 






V 









0' 



^^^V 






0' 
<0 »<> 






.^' 



.0 



.0 V-, 



^ 



3 v 



^^f-. 









: -j^v ^ ■■■■'■ - '-''•' 



<^. 






-y^^ 

V -^^ 



















o V 






1^ 



,^ 



°'f,' 









• ^ , r 



*^ 


0^ 


^-^ 




^ s • 





<*> 



:^ 



>^; 



o 

/.>v:,7^o' ^ 



<*. 









•-0 V^ 

->0 rr. 






.<-. 



^ 












^ .r 



^ 



^ 



.^^ 



'.<?- 



^:^^ ^: 






<i> 



^^o'' 

■^R^ 



K^ 



^^' 



<" 












o V 



-5^ 



0' 






,-^ 



° " ° * <i> . rNV 



<, 









■^o V 



-^y^ 



^^o^ 






V 



s-'' 



B H ' ^0' 



■■u 



%^ 






■A' 



A 



^ 



■Jy' 






C. 



,^'- 



< 

" C ^ '<H 



.^ 



4 q.. 



^. 



.^' 



^^ 









<^. 



-.^ 






^-.Z' 
.•^'\ 



<" 



^ 









0' 



"o V'^ 



<}5 °x. : 



Ov- 



'=!'. 



.^ 



,0 






A^^^•V 



<^ 






li^ r, " ° * ""^ 



^. -^-- ^0 



> 



^, 



^^--^ 



:*^ .0^ ^ ':p^^^ ,^^ % 










% ^ 


^ ^ 


5 


I 


•* 


^O 






/? 


7'/-^ 


o 




/ 






-p 


^o 






- o 


^^ 


•''J-. 






<^' 




jS^ N. MANCHESTER 
'^"^ INDIANA 






o " « » ■<?>, 



^0 -^ ^-m^s .^ 
-o % "^' ^y 






